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Monday, March 16, 2015

Borderland Beat

Borderland Beat

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MVS fires Journalist Carmen Aristegui

Posted: 16 Mar 2015 12:48 AM PDT

Lucio R. from MVS Twitter

MVS Radio last night announced the termination of its employment relationship with journalist Carmen Aristegui, host of the morning news.  Read my previous post for back story.

MVS Terminates employment relationship:

-Freedom of expression is fully exercised by MVS Radio, as has been demonstrated in the particular case of Carmen Aristegui.

-The company will continue with its information services. 


-Today MVS Radio has terminated the employment relationship with journalist Carmen Aristegui Flores.   In order to settle the issue we confronted, the journalist Aristegui Flores demanded  the reinstatement of two of our collaborators. It is pertinent to recall that these two reporters were terminated from their posts, for having used, without authorization, the name of MVS, and without having previously consulted with the administration of the company.

-We regret the position of the journalist, but as a company we do not accept conditionality's and ultimatums of our employees. Dialogue, is not served by imposing conditions, but listening to the parties and trying to reach agreements.

-At MVS Radio, we work as a team. The culture of our organization revolves around that concept, so individualistic attitudes have no place in our project.

-We cannot allow that any of our partners special privileges in detriment to his companions and much less that it intends to impose on the administration ultimatums and conditions.

Aristegui Uncompromising, MexicoLeaks reporters fired, MVS Hacked, Public Outcry, EPN mum

Posted: 15 Mar 2015 07:55 PM PDT

By Lucio R. Borderland Beat


LA Times describes Carmen Aristegui in this way:

"She is sort of a cross between Christiane Amanpour and a dog with a bone. Carmen Aristegui is possibly Mexico's most famous journalist, very courageous and often annoying."

This BB contributor says simply, she is the most fearless, scrupulous, ethical, authentic, loved journalist in Mexico. Attaching the name "Carmen" to a news story is all the credibility one usually needs.


We at BB know that she is the one reporter that Dr. Mireles found most trustworthy. He found her exceedingly fair, even when she asked uncomfortable questions. 

He was fooled by others, those from Televisa, who can forget that edited "interview" with its creative cuts leaving a message not only out of context, but 180 degrees from context.

Or Proceso, once fair in their reporting of Dr. Mireles, but after Anabel Hernandez began writing for them, and wrote a series of unfavorable reports about Dr. Mireles, where she stretched the truth and toyed with the facts.  Proceso began publishing articles that compromised integrity of the interviews and headlines about Dr. Mireles, such as "If they want war we will give them war".  Something he never said.  How could they not know Dr. Mireles habitually recorded all interviews? 
                               Casa Migrante in Saltillo Coahuila in support of Aristegui for defending human rights

Dr. Mireles stopped doing interviews with both news agencies.Telling BB "I don't know Hernandez, she has never asked to speak to me or asked a single question, how is that fair journalism?"

Mireles was not difficult to connect with. If this blog had no issues connecting and communicating with Mireles, surely Hernandez would have had no problem.

It is dangerous to tell the truth in Mexico, the country deemed the most dangerous place in the American continent to be a reporter. 


This results in journalists being paid, or threatened into producing an agenda or narrative that has nothing to do with reality, or used to destroy a reputation of someone acting in a threatening manner to organized crime, or someone from the political world.

Fear is the most powerful weapon against truth in journalism.  Let's be honest, it is why most of us bloggers in Mexico or those having loved ones in Mexico hide behind a nom de plume.

But Aristegui is cut from a different cloth than just about any other journalist in Mexico or anywhere else for that matter.


(at left Omar Garcia, normalista Ayotzinapa activist protested in support of Aristegui and against MVS decision to fire investigative reporters on Thursday. Read his story  by following this link)

She is unyielding to outside pressure, those who would have her bend or hide an uncomfortable story affecting those who come for a position of power, never compromising her ridged sense of fairness, veracity and impartiality,….for anyone.


The popular journalist has 4.5 million followers on Facebook and over 3.5 followers on Twitter.  That is equal to the president of Mexico. 

Carmen Aristegui, she is the anchor of the news program Aristegui on CNN en Español and of the morning news program on MVS Radio as well as writes for Reforma.

She was born in Mexico City in 1964, one of 7 children born to refugees of the Spanish Civil War. 

Her career in journalism began at TV Azteca, from there, Televisa, Universal, among others and since 2006 she has been with CNN Mexico.  She has been with MVS news agency for 6 bumpy years.   

Calderon a drunk?


In 2011 she was fired over a controversy when she inferred  President Calderon may have a drinking problem.  "You wouldn't want to ride in a vehicle driven by a drunk would you?  Then why would it be ok to allow one to run the country".

Ouch.

In typical Aristegui fashion, she expected and believed, that  Calderon had an obligation to address the accusation.  While she didn't "have any specific information" as to whether the president had problems with alcohol, and she added "this is a delicate topic" she remained with the opinion, that the President Calderón had an obligation to reply to the charge.

She was fired 3 days later.   

MVS:  "In our code of ethics," MVS said in a statement, "we pledge to reject the presentation and dissemination of rumors as news. The journalist Carmen Aristegui violated our code of ethics and we decided to terminate our existing contractual relationship."

While few would disagree with that summation, if she were a newscaster, but she was never hired as a presenter of news; she is an editorialist, an investigative reporter.  Hired to make comment,  give an opinion or expose uncomfortable secrets.

She was given a statement of apology and Aristegui was instructed to  read it on the air.  

She flat out refused.  

Her termination was announced that evening.

But within hours MVS bosses were told of the intense reaction by the public, which had gone viral on social networks.  After a few days of public outcry, plus long communication between MVS and representatives of President Calderon, without a word or fanfare, Aristegui was back on the air in 10 days.

Neither Aristegui nor the station ever gave a statement to her return, apparently the parties agreeing to disagree and agreeing not to speak further of it.

Aristegui has confronted and has been open about the death threats she endures, experiencing  an escalation this past year.  

MexicoLeaks

This week Aristegui finds herself in a familiar position,  once again in conflict with those that sign her paycheck, the head honchos at MVS radio, a station that I regularly listen to for an  hour daily…to hear and learn from Carmen Aristegui.

The latest conflict began this week with the inauguration of a new online program  called MexicoLeaks.   (link to MEXICOLEAKS site here)

                                                        Daniel Lizárraga and Irving Huerta
MexicoLeaks, is a forum createdto censure and examine corruption in Mexico. Mexico Leaks fashioned itself to the WikiLeaks format.  A  safe place,  for informers to utilize to leak information and documents.  

MVS Radio not only hated the idea, it called out  several of its employees as indecorously representing themselves, by implying  that MVS was a sponsor of the program.

MVS said by the program using the station label they were deceiving the public in the process. They ran ads even on Aristegui's hour to slam home the position.


On Wednesday, when the MVS ads came out, Aristegui went on air and gave what can be described as a bid adieu.  She must have been encouraged to rethink her position, because she then came back on Thursday with redress and determination, saying she was not going anywhere:

"To do so would be to relinquish a part of what little free speech there is in Mexico."

Later that day, the station then got the hammer out, and without consulting Aristegui, fired two reporters,  Daniel Lizárraga and Irving Huerta, vital members of her investigative staff.  They were investigating and producing the first two stories about; conflict of interest (EPN)  and one onhuman rights abuses.

It isn't that the MVS thinks for one second that they are convincing the Mexican public that this action and hoopla is about inappropriate usage of a logo.  Frankly, they do not care what the public thinks, because they count on the long run, when the story fades and nothing changes.  The Mexican way, corruption survives because actions such as these prevent the truth from seeing sunlight. 

We are supposed to believe that this, was not in fact due to Aristegui being what is called in Mexico "an inconvenient" or "uncomfortable" public person.  
                                                                 E.P.N's "Casa Blanca"

Or that it wasn't because the terminated journalists, were exposing further information involving President Enrique Pena Nieto and wife and those mansions that continue to need explaining.  Those multimillion dollar mansions, that appears to have a nasty conflict of interest problem, like their notorious luxury mansion of Lomas de Chapultepec, in Mexico City. Questions go unanswered regarding his acquisition of the property. 

That scandal led to other questions such as  the relationship between Peña Nieto and the businessman Juan Armando Hinajosa, owner of the Higa Group.  The group cultivated close ties to various officials in the Mexican government, and has largely benefited from government contracts, going back to when Peña Nieto was governor of Mexico state.

EPN was  hoping the controversy was ebbing.   Then came MexicoLeaks, a nightmare for EPN trapping him between a boulder and a slate wall. 

The boulder because Mexico Leaks split open the wound of the controversy to a massive audience and a slate wall because by the MVS reaction, which rendered the public outraged and infuriated. #EnDefensaDeAristegui trended on social networks.  

The public initiated a protest.  Marching in front of MVS studios, collecting 130,00 signatures in 1 day in support of MexicoLeaks, Aristegui and the fired journalists.


MVS Hacked   

In addition to the public outcry, yesterday "Anonymous Hispanio"and "Anonymous Mexico" hacked into the MVS website portal.

Anonymous posted a statement on the MVS website that read in part; Journalists, reporters and activists have been forced to give up investigative  research, and real news has been blatantly shrouded by a series of lies that have hindered the advancement and growth of the nation and its citizens."

As for President Peña, his office has refused requests for a statement.

sources: a portion of information used to write this post from: BB Archives, Twitter, Facebook, Arestegui News

Are Mexico tech experts being kidnapped to run drug cartel networks?

Posted: 15 Mar 2015 05:44 PM PDT

Borderland Beat by DD

Just like legitimate businesses, Mexico drug cartels put a premium on the use of technology, such as the Internet and cellular phones to run their massive operations.  It takes educated trained personnel to design and set up high tech systems and and to operate those systems.

The cartels do not have the luxury of openly recruiting promising young engineers or high tech students at job fairs on campuses as the big IT companies do.  So how do the cartels get their IT wizards?

It could have been any other morning. Felipe del Jesús Peréz García got dressed, said goodbye to his wife and kids, and drove off to work. It would be a two hour commute from their home in Monterrey, in Northeastern Mexico's Nuevo León state, to Reynosa, in neighboring Tamaulipas state, where Felipe, an architect, would scout possible installation sites for cell phone towers for a telecommunications company before returning that evening.

That was the last time anyone saw him.

 It's a story, or lack thereof, that's common across Mexico. People vanish, and the vast majority of cases aren't solved for years, if they're ever closed at all.


 Only this story is, perhaps, not just another kidnapping.
The most recent photo of Felipe Pérez, an architect, taken just weeks before he disappeared in Northeastern Mexico in March 2013. He was wearing this shirt the day he vanished. Photo: Tanya Elizabeth Gonzalez Vaya.
  What happened to Feli​pe Peréz? One theory suggests he was abducted by a sophisticated organized crime syndicate, and then forced into a hacker brigade that builds and services the cartel's hidden, backcountry communications infrastructure. They're the Geek Squads to some of the biggest mafia-style organizations in the world.  To keep the wheels turning on such vast scales, the Golfo and Zetas use their own encrypted radio networks to communicate without authorities listening in.

 Those networks also intercept chatter from cops, the military, and other security forces. And the cartels need experts to build them.

At least 40 information technology specialists  disappeared in Mexico from 2008 to 2012, allegedly nabbed by one of the two dominant gangs in the region, the Cartel del Golfo or Los Zetas.  We don't know for sure how many hackers have been disappeared since—reliable numbers are hard to come by - especially in Tamaulipas where cartel news in the media is nearly totally suppressed by the cartels.  The Mexican government also did not respond to queries from the website Motherboard for the total number of disappeared specialists and confiscated radio towers and antennas in Northeastern Mexico between 2012 and 2014 by the time their story went to press.

 A current high-ranking Mexican intelligence official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the issue, said the people who have gathered evidence and data related to narcos kidnapping communications specialists "are not allowed to reveal any information."

 For at least ten years, Mexico's cartels have relied in part on a sophisticated radio network to handle their communications. The Zetas hide radio antennas and signal relay stations deep inside remote and hard-to-reach terrain, connect them to solar panels, and then link the facilities to radio-receiving cellphones and Nextel devices.

 Because the bulk of these networks are installed in places that are difficult to access—in rural, not urban zones—rooting them out is not easy. Antennas and repeaters have been found staked on hilltops and high grounds in the Northeastern part of Mexico, a coveted port-of-entry into America for the Golfo and Zetas.  It could take five days' walking into the bush to find this stuff, according to París Martínez; these stations are so remote, many draw energy from solar panels.

 It would be a considerable undertaking to rig up elaborate radio stations in such inhospitable conditions, and across such vast expanses, if it weren't for the fact that these cartels are already out there. This is where they thrive, where they evade authorities, deep in backcountry.  When the authorities discover equipment used in the illegal communication system they destroy it.  Because the cartels already have people in the area including IT professionals who are needed to be kept close for maintenance and service on the equipment they have the system up and running again in a very short time.
 
 When the Mexican Army orchestrated a 2011 bust on a Zetas network in Veracruz, officials razed 167 antennas and more than 150 repeaters, and confiscated 1,450 radios, 1,300 cellphones, and 1,350 NexTel gadgets. The kit comprised a communications network that spanned nearly 500 porous miles of Texas border and penetrated another 500 miles into Mexico's brambly, mountainous interior
 
It took 70 computers to control the sprawling system, which covered three states: Nuevo León, San Luis Potosí, and Tamaulipas.

Mexican authorities confiscated 76 antennas, 81 repeaters, 655 handheld radios, 400 cell phones, 391 NexTel devices, and 19 computers in Reynosa and Tamaulipas in 2011, according to the Associated Pre​ss. And in 2​012, the Mexican Army and Navy destroyed seven antennas and 20 repeaters in Sonora, an antenna and a repeater in Chihuahua, 13 antennas in Veracruz, a pair of antennas and a repeater in Tamaulipas, and 50 meters of antennas and a repeater along the Monterrey-Nuevo Laredo highway.

 It's hard to say when "Radio Narco" went live. It was probably sometime in the mid to late 2000s, when the first reports of disappeared cell network workers began trickling out of Northeastern Mexico. 
Saul Sanchez victim of tech kidnapping in 1991
Reaching way back, among the longer technology-kidnapping mysteries in the border region is that of El Pasoan Saul Sanchez Jr. and his wife who went missing back in 1991.

As an 2013 El Paso Time's article that looks back at the case notes "Sanchez was a U.S. Navy veteran who had invented a device that could be used to monitor cell-phone conversations."

Diana Washington Valdez"s report notes:

    El Pasoan Saul Sanchez Jr. and his wife, Abigail, disappeared after heading out for a theater performance in Juarez the evening of May 24, 1994. Their children and other relatives never saw or heard from them again after that night.

    Jaime Hervella, Saul's godfather, created the International Association of Friends and Relatives of Disappeared Persons, and embarked on a long quest to find out what happened to the couple.

    Sanchez was a U.S. Navy veteran who had invented a device that could be used to monitor cell-phone conversations. The device was successfully used to intercept the calls of drug-traffickers, Hervella said.

    "The Mexican authorities also wanted Saul to help them set up an extensive communications network in Mexico," Hervella said. "He was courted by all kinds of people who were interested in his inventions".

 In 2009, in perhaps the most famous mass kidnapping of specialists, nine contra​cted cell tower workers vanished in the border town of Nuevo Laredo. The kidnappers, whoever they are, came back l​ater for the crew's vehicles and kit.

 There was José Antonio ​Rebledo Fernández,José Antonio ​Rebledo Fernández, an engineer who was working for a construction company jointly owned by Mexican and American firms when he disappeared in January 2009. He was talking to his girlfriend on the phone outside a mechanics shop when he disappeared.  Antonio worked for a constuction company that was partly owned by ICA, Mexico's largest construction company.  Antonio's family contacted the authorities, but were instead visited by a man claiming to be an ICA employee along with two Zetas. "They said they were going to help us, and that our contact would be ICA's security chief," said the kidnapped engineer's mother. But the group's message was implicit: Don't pursue this, or else. The cartel members were later arrested, but Antonio never returned.

There was an IBM engineer, Alejandro A​lfonso Moreno Baca, who was kidnapped while driving from Monterrey to Laredo, Texas, in January 2011.  He hasn't been heard from since.

 "The fact that skilled workers have been disappearing in these areas is no accident," Felipe Gonzalez, head of Mexico's Senate Security Committee said in 2012.  "None of the systems engineers who disappeared have been found," Gonzalez said. González, who left public office in 2012, said information about the conditions kidnapped hackers are kept in is classified.

Unlike Colombia, where drug traffickers control large amounts of territory and can keep hostages for many years, Mexico's drug territory is more in flux. "When they need specialists they catch them, use them, and discard them," said the father of one kidnapped engineer.

There are also instances of IT wizards willingly joining forces with the cartels.  A Houston Chronicle report from back in 2009 notes that Jose Luis Del Toro Estrada pleaded guilty in Houston to drug trafficking and later told authorities about the technology secrets of the Gulf Cartel.

Court papers say he described a secret communications network of hand-held radios with a reach stretching from the Rio Grande to Guatemala. He also discussed booster transmitters mounted atop police stations and on massive steel radio towers and surveillance cameras hidden outside gangsters' homes, stash houses and meeting places.

Some intel agencies and the US military, while acknowledging to back up their theories  question the validity of the the IT wizards being kidnapped. 

Motherboard reported that  Robert J. Bunker, an adjunct research professor at the Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College, isn't so sure the theory that cartels are kidnapping IT talent holds up. He couldn't provide any definitive information on these incidents—not many people can—but said a cartel like the Zetas probably isn't likely to enslave, or even hire mercenary IT talent because the gang can't afford a whistleblower bringing the whole thing down.

Besides, Bunker said, "hackers tend to be prima donnas and anti-system types who don't function well in captivity. They would fall apart mentally if brutalized by cartel enforcers."

Why kidnap people when you could make them voluntarily join your team? As the high-ranking intelligence official put it, "You can speculate without any limitation that due to the great corruption and co-optation capabilities of organized crime they can hire the best professionals and technicians in the world."

Bunker said it would seem "'buying talent,' especially high tech talent, would be preferential to 'enslaving' it." If a cartel is thinking strategically, he explained, it could pay for college-level computer science and computer security degrees for promising recruits and/or relatives of gang personnel. Funding four or five years for a bachelor's in science, and a few more years for a master's degree, would give you a functioning engineer or computer scientist. It's yet another way for the cartel to secure talent and ensure loyalty to the gang, Bunker told me. Total initial investment? Under $250,000 for tuition, room and board, and stipend, he said, depending on the university. A small expense for gangs that bring in billions of dollars annually.  

DD note;  I question Bunkers logic in believing that the cartels would spend $250,000 to educate a student when as one of the fathers of the kidnapped stated above that when the cartels need specialist they capture them, use them and discard them.  It's a whole lot cheaper.
 
 G, the former counternarcotics official with the Mexican government, said some specialists are still "obligated" to work for the cartels, disappeared against their wills and forced to service Radio Narco. But, increasingly, there are also those who are lured to work voluntarily for the cartels.  "There's not only kidnappings," he said. "I certainly know that a lot of criminals are sending their kids, their nephews, family, young people to be educated."

If you are kidnapped, though, G said whistleblowing would get you killed. Send a Mayday, and you're done. 

One thing is for sure: Radio Narco will stay on.  G told about how quickly the cartels would reinstall radio kit after his people made busts and destroyed the gear. It was classic Whac-A-Mole. To stop the illegal installation of radio masts and repeaters, he said, "we need to have people in these areas, where these criminals are, all the time. That's impossible."

So, what happened to Filipe?  

Felipe was at Grupo Construgest, an active telecommunications company working on architectural drawings for cell towers. He had previously done similar work for other major mobile phone operators in Mexico, including Telcel, Unefon, and Movistar.  

Filipe's wife, Tanya, said Felipe was a quiet man, through and through. In Monterrey, he played el bajo sexto, a 12-stringed guitar, in a traditional norteño band. Felipe was not aggressive, Tanya said. "Not at all." Each day when he got home from work, the first thing Felipe did was spend time with his two children. Sometimes he'd take them to the park, other times he'd pull up videos for them on YouTube.


When he left that morning he had been tasked with returning to Monterrey with GPS coordinates for three potential cell tower installation sites. It was a routine assignment, though not without risk: Felipe was headed into the country, into the heart of Zetas turf, where the situation "is complicated," Tanya said.

Felipe would get the job done as quick as possible then, and be on the road back to Monterrey before dusk.

"If I don't find anything I'll leave," he told Tanya. Then he drove off.

Later, around 1 PM, Felipe phoned Tanya with an update: He'd found good land, ideal for installing towers. But, "there's no one out here," he told his wife. "I'm alone."

After the day's search, Felipe was set to make the two-and-a-half hour drive back to Monterrey. When Tanya called him around 3 or 4 PM to check in, his phone rang and then went to voicemail. When she tried again, shortly thereafter, his phone went straight to voicemail.

Tanya doesn't know anything beyond that. "They never spoke to us about a rescue," she explained, referring to what many citizens believe to be unwillingness on the part of local and national authorities to investigate kidnapping cases. She said the car is still missing.

 Felipe was kidnapped, she said. "There's simply no other logical explanation."

We might never know just how many of los desaparecidos should be counted among the dead. An estimated 120,000 to 125,000 people have been killed in Mexico since 2006, accor​ding to the Trans-Border Institute, and it's anyone's guess if Felipe is one of them.

For now, Tayna, Filipe Perez's  wife, waits for the phone to ring, hopeful her husband is still alive despite the time that has passed.

"I think they're keeping him alive because he's useful," she said. "They're all useful people
."


A Former Police Instructor in Morelos Detained with La Tuta

Posted: 15 Mar 2015 05:45 PM PDT






By: Oswald Alonso| Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

Eduardo Esteban Áviles, who was arrested on February 27 in Morelia, Michoacán, along with seven others including Servando Gómez Martínez "La Tuta", was an instructor at the Institute of Evaluation, Training, and Professionalization of Morelos, the State Security Commission (CES) confirmed.

 According to CES, Esteban Áviles was hired in 2014 by the former director of the institute, Guillermo Romero Robles.

"To the former director of the Institute of Evaluation, Training, and Professionalization of Morelos, now the State Academy of Higher Studies in Security; Guillermo Romero Robles was hired at the recommendation of the Commissioner of the Federal Police in Morelos, Teófilo Gutiérrez Zúñiga, for his academic career and preparation in the field, as well as fulfilling the requirements in order to acquire the position of director," the official statement states.

The government of Morelos' version is that, since June 20 2014, the new director, Romero Robles, was responsible for the recruitment of instructors; he then called Eduardo Esteban Avilés so that he could be incorporated in that same month of June 2014 as an instructor at the institute in Morelos.


However, he underwent tests of control de confianza (confidence control, a test that aims to ensure every officer's aptitude and trustworthiness) in October but it wasn't until December when he was fired for not passing the confidence control tests; despite this, the government admits that it paid him the months that he worked.

Incidentally, the institute's director, Guillermo Romero Robles, resigned four days before his partner Eduardo Esteban Áviles was arrested in Morelia, along with "La Tuta".

On March 9, the Second District Court in the State of Veracruz issued a formal arrest towards the eight men and one woman, including the capo.




To Marcelino Reyes Sánchez, Juan Manuel Ayala Maldonado and/or Homero Castillo Castillo, alias Meño and Eduardo Esteban Avilés, for their alleged involvement in committing crimes against public health, in the form of possession of narcotics with the intent of trafficking cocaine hydrochloride, without proper sanitary authorization.

To Eduardo Esteban Avilés, Marcelino Reyes Sánchez, Fabricio Magaña Jurado, Jesús Fernando Magaña Gutiérrez, alias Fibrero, Édgar Augusto Ramírez Haro, alias El Flaco, Cristian Emmanuel Arias Sánchez, Juan Manuel Ayala Maldonado and/or Homero Castillo Castillo, alias Meño, and María Antonieta Luna Ávalos, alias Toña, for their alleged involvement in the possession of firearms with exclusive use of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.

Against Marcelino Reyes Sánchez, Juan Manuel Ayala Maldonado and/or Homero Castillo Castillo, alias Meño, Eduardo Esteban Avilés and Édgar Augusto Ramírez Haro, for their alleged involvement in the possession of cartridges for the exclusive use of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.

All of the men are held in the Federal Social Readaptation Center #5, East, located in Villa Aldama, Veracruz.


The allegations against Teófilo
 
Teófilo Gutíerrez Zuñiga

On July 2013, the organization Valor por Michoacán accused the former Commissioner of the Federal Police of Michoacán, Teófilo Gutíerrez Zuñiga, responsible for the coordination of Sahuayo, Briseñas and Vista Hermosa, of receiving $45,000 from the head of the plaza of Los Caballeros Templarios, "El Tierno", whom the federal government attributes as being in charge of the plaza of Sahuayo.

The accusation is that Teófilo colluded with the criminal organization in order to prevent all kinds of operations and checkpoints in the area.

The Community Guards made their accusation after the military found the names of the mayors and police, in collusion with organized crime, in the belongings of the plaza boss of Sahuayo.  The information that they said has already been provided to the PGR for investigation.

The Community Guards demanded the dismissal of the head of the federal police, but had no effect.  Months later, he was transferred to Morelos.


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